Lake, DA. 1987. Review Essay: Power and the Third World: Toward a Realist Political Economy of North-South Relations. International Studies Quarterly: 217-234.
Reviews Hart's book and Krasner's article. Both take a position against world systems theory and dependency theory by positing the neglected role of power in establishing north-south relations. "The policies of North-South relations, these two authors tell us, are not economically predetermined. Power and bargaining matter both analytically and practically" (218).
"Realists assume, first, that the international system is anarchic, or composed of sovereign states responsible to no higher authority; second, that states are rational, unitary actors; and, third, that states seek power and calculate their interests in terms of power" (218).
The article continues and expands upon these assumptions by exploring the NIEO.
Showing posts with label North South Relations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label North South Relations. Show all posts
Tuesday, March 17, 2009
Thursday, January 29, 2009
Evans and Finnemore: Organizational Reform and the Expansion of the South's Voice at the Fund
Evans, P, M Finnemore, Harvard University. Center for International Development, UNCTAD. Project of Technical Support to the Intergovernmental Group of Twenty-four on International Monetary Affairs and Development, and UNCTAD. 2001. Organizational Reform and the Expansion of the South's Voice at the Fund. United Nations.
"In this paper we argue that a variety of organizational changes are both feasible and could substantially increase the ability of developing countries to articulate policy alternatives and advance change. We focus particularly on changes in the recruitment, training, career paths and deployment of the Fund's staff. Our recommendations address two general issues. First, we explore ways to diversity the 'intellectual portfolio' of the staff by drawing more effectively on hands-on knowledge of the concrete circumstances that shape policy outcomes in the South....Second, large asymmetries in workload currently make it difficult for those working on the needs of developing members to formulate and advocate alternative policies. We suggest a number of ways in which even modest reallocation and addition of staff resources might create breathing space that would allow Executive Directors from developing countries to play a larger role in shaping the Fund's policies" (from abstract).
The first suggestion requires a substantive restructuring of the Fund's organization. The second is perhaps a simpler fix. Both of these fixes requires political capital to be spent.
The authors argue that The Fund should represent a unique source of global human capital, as it is comprised of hundreds of the best economists in the world. However, this is not how The Fund is seen by policy makers who are compelled to work within its constraints. This can be reconciled with a more granular approach to assessing different fund prescriptions that relies on local knowledge and resources.
The Fund is also not governed according to the principle of one state, one vote. Instead, voting takes place based on the amount of money that countries have given to Fund reserves. This is then exacerbated by the amount of consensus needed to reach agreements: a full 85%. With a voting bloc that is larger than 15%, the US effectively wields a veto hammer for all Fund decisions.
The degree of professional homogeneity at the Fund is also remarkable: almost all of its staff are Western trained macro-economists.
"In this paper we argue that a variety of organizational changes are both feasible and could substantially increase the ability of developing countries to articulate policy alternatives and advance change. We focus particularly on changes in the recruitment, training, career paths and deployment of the Fund's staff. Our recommendations address two general issues. First, we explore ways to diversity the 'intellectual portfolio' of the staff by drawing more effectively on hands-on knowledge of the concrete circumstances that shape policy outcomes in the South....Second, large asymmetries in workload currently make it difficult for those working on the needs of developing members to formulate and advocate alternative policies. We suggest a number of ways in which even modest reallocation and addition of staff resources might create breathing space that would allow Executive Directors from developing countries to play a larger role in shaping the Fund's policies" (from abstract).
The first suggestion requires a substantive restructuring of the Fund's organization. The second is perhaps a simpler fix. Both of these fixes requires political capital to be spent.
The authors argue that The Fund should represent a unique source of global human capital, as it is comprised of hundreds of the best economists in the world. However, this is not how The Fund is seen by policy makers who are compelled to work within its constraints. This can be reconciled with a more granular approach to assessing different fund prescriptions that relies on local knowledge and resources.
The Fund is also not governed according to the principle of one state, one vote. Instead, voting takes place based on the amount of money that countries have given to Fund reserves. This is then exacerbated by the amount of consensus needed to reach agreements: a full 85%. With a voting bloc that is larger than 15%, the US effectively wields a veto hammer for all Fund decisions.
The degree of professional homogeneity at the Fund is also remarkable: almost all of its staff are Western trained macro-economists.
Tuesday, December 16, 2008
Hirst and Thompson: Globalization in Question: North-South Trade and International Competitiveness
PQ Hirst and G Thompson, Globalization in question (Polity Press).
Ch. 4: North-South Trade and International Competitiveness:
Two trends in the globalization literature are highlighted the our authors in this chapter. The first is the relationship between development in both the North and the South, a phenomena that has received a good deal of attention. The other is the idea of being internationally competitive. This competition stretches from country to individual, and threatens to pervade all aspects of life.
"The chapter is organized as follows. The first part sets out the issues involved and looks at the historical antecedents to the present North-South debate...The second part of the chapter examines the associated trends in international competitiveness. First we assess the reason for the growth of interest in the concept. Second we consider the conceptual frameworks that can be brought to bear in assessing it. Third the geo-0economic relationship between the major Triad blocs and the secondary players in the international competitiveness game is examined. Fourth we focus on economic competitiveness in particular, and the differences between the competitiveness of firms and nations in terms of the implications of trade theory. The concluding section sums up the implications for the globalization thesis and the lessons to be learned from it" (98).
There is, once again, a boon of evidence and data, first in relation to north-south economic interaction. This is seen to be developing rapidly from the 1970s onward.
"At the root of a concern about the effects of the growth of North-South trade is the question of the continued 'international competitiveness' of the Northern economies" (114).
There is an extended and apparently thorough account of the potential causes of competitiveness, etc.
"First, the extent of 'globalization' is once again exaggerated...Secondly, there are other explanations for the undermining of the living conditions of the unskilled workers in the advanced countries than just the economists' emphasis on trade and/or technical change...Thirdly, 'domestic' explanations remain more important to the outcomes in these matters than 'international' ones...Fourth, there is a need to disaggregate: Europe is not like the US and there are lots of differences within Europe...Finally, just as in the case of the discussion of 'globalization', the discussion of 'international competitiveness' must be treated with great caution" (133).
Ch. 4: North-South Trade and International Competitiveness:
Two trends in the globalization literature are highlighted the our authors in this chapter. The first is the relationship between development in both the North and the South, a phenomena that has received a good deal of attention. The other is the idea of being internationally competitive. This competition stretches from country to individual, and threatens to pervade all aspects of life.
"The chapter is organized as follows. The first part sets out the issues involved and looks at the historical antecedents to the present North-South debate...The second part of the chapter examines the associated trends in international competitiveness. First we assess the reason for the growth of interest in the concept. Second we consider the conceptual frameworks that can be brought to bear in assessing it. Third the geo-0economic relationship between the major Triad blocs and the secondary players in the international competitiveness game is examined. Fourth we focus on economic competitiveness in particular, and the differences between the competitiveness of firms and nations in terms of the implications of trade theory. The concluding section sums up the implications for the globalization thesis and the lessons to be learned from it" (98).
There is, once again, a boon of evidence and data, first in relation to north-south economic interaction. This is seen to be developing rapidly from the 1970s onward.
"At the root of a concern about the effects of the growth of North-South trade is the question of the continued 'international competitiveness' of the Northern economies" (114).
There is an extended and apparently thorough account of the potential causes of competitiveness, etc.
"First, the extent of 'globalization' is once again exaggerated...Secondly, there are other explanations for the undermining of the living conditions of the unskilled workers in the advanced countries than just the economists' emphasis on trade and/or technical change...Thirdly, 'domestic' explanations remain more important to the outcomes in these matters than 'international' ones...Fourth, there is a need to disaggregate: Europe is not like the US and there are lots of differences within Europe...Finally, just as in the case of the discussion of 'globalization', the discussion of 'international competitiveness' must be treated with great caution" (133).
Thursday, December 4, 2008
Krasner: Structural Conflict: The Third World Against Global Liberalism
SD Krasner, Structural Conflict: The Third World Against Global Liberalism (University of California Press, 1985).
The standard story told about North-South relations is that the South is poor, wants more wealth, and that the North should help them go about achieving this. Krasner tells a different tale. Not only do Southern countries want wealth, they also want power and influence. They are out to mitigate vulnerabilities and exploit opportunities. They do this through the promotion of trade regimes that are geared towards authoritative allocation in place of market-based allocation policies. "For developing countries, authoritative international regimes are attractive because they can provide more stable and predictable transaction flows" (5).
Firstly, Southern countries achieve this by promoting regimes that are structured towards one-country one-vote policies. Secondly, these states have fought to expand the role of sovereignty (6). They are successful in accomplishing these changes based on the role of three variables identified by Krasner: "...the nature of existing institutional structures; the ability to formulate a coherent system of ideas...and the attitude and power of the North...toward both the demands of the South and the forums in which they have been made" (7).
Krasner separates Southern behavior into either relational power strategies or meta-power strategies. The later represent strategies that attempt to change the status quo.
Ch 2: The Structural Causes of Third World Strategy
This chapter outlines domestic and international structural arguments for why Southern countries would be interested in changing international regimes in the interesting of mitigating vulnerability and improving their power position. It is relatively standard Realist fare, though the focus on two distinct levels of analysis vis-a-vis structure is unique. It ends with a case study of Mexico.
The standard story told about North-South relations is that the South is poor, wants more wealth, and that the North should help them go about achieving this. Krasner tells a different tale. Not only do Southern countries want wealth, they also want power and influence. They are out to mitigate vulnerabilities and exploit opportunities. They do this through the promotion of trade regimes that are geared towards authoritative allocation in place of market-based allocation policies. "For developing countries, authoritative international regimes are attractive because they can provide more stable and predictable transaction flows" (5).
Firstly, Southern countries achieve this by promoting regimes that are structured towards one-country one-vote policies. Secondly, these states have fought to expand the role of sovereignty (6). They are successful in accomplishing these changes based on the role of three variables identified by Krasner: "...the nature of existing institutional structures; the ability to formulate a coherent system of ideas...and the attitude and power of the North...toward both the demands of the South and the forums in which they have been made" (7).
Krasner separates Southern behavior into either relational power strategies or meta-power strategies. The later represent strategies that attempt to change the status quo.
Ch 2: The Structural Causes of Third World Strategy
This chapter outlines domestic and international structural arguments for why Southern countries would be interested in changing international regimes in the interesting of mitigating vulnerability and improving their power position. It is relatively standard Realist fare, though the focus on two distinct levels of analysis vis-a-vis structure is unique. It ends with a case study of Mexico.
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